Muslim and Jewish Women in Nazareth

'We can live in peace'...John Lennon (photo: Dafna Tal)

Mahzor

Mahzor

New York Public Library

Churches

Sarajevo Haggadah

Mah Nishtanah

Sarajevo haggadah

Antaea Darom

Israeli women's art

Action

Torah as music

Ben Heine

Action

ceramic bowl

Mohammad Said Kalash, "Offering Reconciliation" exhibit (photo: Ilan Amihai)

Action

Punch and Judy/Pinchas and Jamila

Avi Katz

Action

David Grossman

Ben Heine

Action

Eldrige Street shul

Lower East Side

Action

Dove

Ben Heine

Action

Two birds

Hoda Jamal

Action

Israeli and Palestinian boys

from documentary, Promises

Action

Cat in the Hat

Yiddish version

Action

Daylight through the Wall

Banksy: graffiti art on Separation Wall

Action

Maurice Sendak's Brundibar set

New Victory Theater (photo: Nan Melville/NYT)

Action

Daniel Barenboim, West-Eastern Divan Orchestra

Palestinian-Israeli musical ensemble (photo: Kerstin Joensson/AP)

Action

Great Day on Eldrige Street

N.Y.'s klezmer greats celebrate shul rededication (photo: Leo Sorel)

Action

How Fear Drives the Arab-Israeli Conflict

July 2nd, 2009

While hitchhiking through Texas in the 1980s, Londoner Simon Lawson, now contributor to Common Ground News Service, was offered words of wisdom by a kindhearted truck driver who had given him a ride:

"Let me tell you something Simon; people round here are kinda ignorant - ignorance breeds fear and fear breeds violence - so watch your ass."

Lawson relates this axiom to the Arab-Israeli conflict. In his latest article for Common Ground News Service, he articulates the ways in which ignorance, fear and violence play major roles in the way Israelis and Palestinians perceive each other. Lawson focuses specifically on how the second Intifada has exacerbated the levels of ignorance, fear and violence, especially among the younger generation of both Israeli and Palestinian societies:

Through many conversations I had with Israelis and Palestinians the relationship between ignorance and fear was brought sharply into focus.

I noticed a difference in attitudes to 'the other' expressed by both Palestinians and Israelis who had experienced adult life before the first Intifada and those who had been too young to remember much before then.

What was the difference? Most people over 40, had friends or business associates from the 'other side' before the Intifada.

They do not fear 'the other'; they know they share not just the common interests of humanity - but also much of their cultural heritage.

While older Israelis and Palestinians remember a time when they worked alongside, dined alongside, and maintained legitimate friendships with members of the "other side," those who grew up in the midst of the second Intifada are ignorant to what were once commonalities of life:

Young Israelis and Palestinians, through no fault of their own, have little knowledge of 'the other'. If they encounter each other at all it is across a check-point or during a military operation - situations that don't illuminate their common humanity, but re-enforce ignorance, prejudice and fear.

Violence between Israelis and Palestinians, Lawson argues, is a manifestation of the peoples' fears for their safety, security and survival. However, Lucy Nusseibeh and Shelley Ostroff argue in their article for Common Ground News Service, that there is another dimension of fear that permeates Israeli and Palestinian societies: a fear of a resolution of the conflict.

Nusseibeh and Ostroff's argument is one rooted in psychology and morality. They explain:

Israelis and Palestinians often view each other in stark, polarised terms of "we are good, they are bad". This is actually an expression of a mechanism we use to cope with fear whereby we project unwanted aspects of ourselves or our own group onto the other. Each side tends to attribute all the violence, inhumanity and injustice to the other, while claiming complete moral authority for itself. While this mechanism may help people feel better because it generates a sense of moral strength and clarity in the face of danger and confusion, it does not necessarily have any bearing on reality and therefore does not help alleviate the fear. In fact the opposite is true; it reinforces the fear by making the other side seem worse than it is.

Both Israelis and Palestinians see themselves as victims, albeit for different historical and current reasons. Regardless of the immense inequalities of power and control, there is little acknowledgement by either side of their roles as persecutors in the conflict.

The victim role is more complicated than it seems. While the focus might be on suffering, it also generates a profound sense of self-righteousness and a justification for excessive amounts of violence and inhumanity towards the other. Just think, how much violence is committed in the name of self-defence or security?

Sometimes, the need to preserve the sense of self-righteousness that comes with victimhood can be even more important than safety. This need has brought Israelis and Palestinians in different ways to provoke each other into intensifying the role of persecutor. The violence that is consequently provoked reinforces the "evidence" of the monstrous and inhumane nature of the enemy. When this happens we can see how the fear of violent conflict is often better tolerated than the fear of a loss of one's moral bearings and the resulting guilt and shame that arise from an acknowledgement that one is not only a victim but also a persecutor.

Ultimately, these processes can be linked to a generally unacknowledged fear of peace. Continuing conflict where one's own side is totally good and the other is all bad can be less frightening than the complex world that is offered by the prospect of peace with one's neighbour. War is often recognised as a way to unite a people in fear around a common enemy. It is also a way to protect people from having to face their own dual role as persecutors and victims, and all the moral ambiguity and painful internal personal conflict that implies.

Perhaps the prospect of peace also generates a fear of the unknown nature of the relationship that would develop within this new reality (although in different ways for the Israelis and the Palestinians), and the impact this might have on each side's identity.

Lawson, Nusseibeh and Ostroff all agree that fear, both of violence and of peace, needs to be mitigated in order to achieve a permanent resolution of the greater conflict.

Nusseibeh and Ostroff contend that:

For the fears to be overcome, it is important to take an eagle's-eye view and shift to a higher systemic perspective that acknowledges both Israelis and Palestinians as interdependent parts of a larger whole within which neither part can be eliminated, controlled or fully extricated from the other. Such a perspective would focus on how best to manage this relationship in its many dimensions and with real reciprocity. It would take the needs of all parties into account and would cultivate the well-being not only of both Israelis and Palestinians, but of the Israeli-Palestinian system as a whole.

Lawson also believes in creating an integrated society:  

I and some of my B.I. [Before Intifada] friends believe that the only viable solution will be one in which Muslims, Jews, Christians and others live together as equals, seeing each other as neighbours, acting on their commonalties and celebrating their differences.

The fears of the Israeli and Palestinian people must be addressed in order to see progress in the region.

 

Most bizarre website ever

July 2nd, 2009

Someone please except this website to me: Michael Jackson Family. Its address is even more mysterious: http://michaeljacksonestate.blogspot.com/

This is its about blurb:

My name is Princess Zaynab bint Fahd bin Khalid al-Saud. My father is popularly known as Satan the Devil. I am from Saudi Arabia and I am married to the American Superstar Singer Michael Jackson as Nona Paris Lola Ankhesenamun Jackson.

Of course, it’s one of those sites that starts playing music as it loads. In other words, not work safe.


More on Egypt’s military shopping frenzy

July 2nd, 2009

Following up on the recent post about Egypt’s recent military procurement, here’s a phenomenally stupid, or just disingenuous, article from the Jerusalem Post (yes what else would you expect):

In a sign of mounting concern about Teheran’s missile capability, the Egyptian military recently expressed interest in purchasing the Russian-made, advanced S-300 and S-400 air defense systems.

The S-300 is highly effective against aircraft and has a reported ability to track up to 100 targets simultaneously, while engaging up to 12 at the same time. It has a range of about 200 km. and can hit targets at altitudes of 27,000 meters.

The S-400 is a more advanced model that is effective not just against aircraft, but also against long-range ballistic missiles and cruise missiles. Its range is reportedly 400 km.

Egypt is also working on improving its air force and recently received approval from the Pentagon to buy 12 Apache Longbow attack helicopters.

Yes, that’s right, Egypt is really really worried about an Iranian missile attack!

Egypt, like any country, has a very legitimate interest in wanting to beef up its air defenses, but for planning purposes its traditional enemy remains Israel. There is no other conventional military threat on its borders. And there is certainly little risk of a war between Iran and Egypt (what are the Iranians going to do? Invade or fly over Israel to get to Cairo?) So whatever negotiations are taking place between Egypt and Russia over this air and missile defense system, they may simply be about business, about Egypt’s desire to acquire superior US technology instead (i.e. it wants to show that it has other options), and about a long-term strategic goal of planning against traditional contingencies. Or it may just be the usual Israeli waffling on about how everyone around them is arming up, even though they have a massive technical military superiority.

But the coming Iran attack on Egypt? Give me a break.


Israel/Palestine – a reading list.

July 2nd, 2009

First, my bona fides/a list of caveats (depending on how you look at it):

I’m American-Israeli. I lived in Israel for the first 14 years of my adult life, got my BA in Political Science at Tel Aviv University, worked as a reporter for the local and foreign press — living through and reporting on both the Oslo peace process and various heinous waves of suicide bombings — and returned to the states in 1998 to pursue a Masters Degree in Middle Eastern Studies at the University of Chicago. Said degree achieved in 2001, my Jerusalem-born and -bred husband and I initially thought we’d be returning (with our then-toddler son) to Tel Aviv, but the advent of the second intifada, and, more to the point, the Israeli response to the intifada led us both to understand that we no longer wanted to raise children in Israel. This was, for me at least, an excruciating decision, one I have never truly made my peace with, and which has driven me to focus much of my professional life on peace advocacy through the written (and occasionally spoken) word. The up-shot is that I have lived, studied, written about, and taught the Israeli-Palestinian conflict for a smidgen more than a quarter of a century (because, it turns out, I’m old). I started the journey a Protestant, but somewhere in there, before meeting my husband, I decided to convert and in the fullness of time took on dual-citizenship. (Among some supporters of Israel, this renders me less qualified to speak on the subject — not so among Israelis, for the most part).

Right. Now, to get on with it!

Books that are very good for anyone who wants to know more about the conflict, in no particular order. I go heavy on books about the Palestinians, because I feel that they are so under-represented in our collective knowledge base. The writing in some is more academic than others, but all are well-written and well worth your time. Each comes from a standpoint of recognizing the humanity on all sides (though each author draws his or her own conclusions), else it would not be included here. Needless to say, I don’t agree with every word of every book listed, but I found each to be fair, honest, and useful.

  1. City of Oranges - Adam Le Bor (the story of the conflict told through the social history of the city of Jaffa, with remarkable compassion for both sides and both national narratives).
  2. Palestinian Walks – Raja Shehadeh (a memoir of a Palestinian and his journeys through rapidly changing Palestinian lands).
  3. Sharon and My Mother-in-Law – Suda Amiry (account of living in the West Bank city of Ramallah from 1981-2004, based on her contemporaneous diaries and email correspondence).
  4. A Divided Paradise – David Lynch (an Irish journalist’s account of both his reporting on the conflict, and the time he spent actually living on the West Bank).
  5. Palestine Inside-Out – Saree Makdisi (from the back cover, the best description: “reveals how the ‘peace process’ institutionalized Palestinians’ loss of control over ther inner and outer lives…. Anyone suprised at Arab anger or the election of Hamas must read this book.”).
  6. Quiet Revolution: The First Palestinian Intifada and Nonviolent Resistence – Mary Elizabeth King (I lived through the first intifada, and this book opened my eyes to the fact that, in essense, it began as a [largely] nonviolent protest).
  7. Separate and Unequal: The Inside Story of Israeli Rule in East Jerusalem – Amir S. Cheshin, Bill Hutman, and Avi Melamed (the be-all, end-all answer to anyone who thinks that Jerusalem is undivided, or that the occupation of East Jerusalem is benign, written by [respectively] a retired Israeli army colonel/former senior adviser on Arab Community Affairs to legendary Jerusalem mayor Teddy Kollek, a former writer at the Jerusalem Post, and a former adviser on Arab Affairs to both Kollek and his successor, Ehud Olmert).
  8. The Lost Years – Charles Enderlin (an account of the many, many ways in which the Oslo process went very badly wrong).
  9. The Much Too Promised Land: America’s Elusive Search for Arab-Israeli Peace – Aaron David Miller (an excellent, impressively honest piece of diplomatic history, from the standpoint of someone who was at the center of American peace efforts for close to 20 years).
  10. Drinking the Sea at Gaza – Amira Hass (a devasting account of life in Gaza, by an Israeli journalist who lived there. She wrote it in 1996, and if anything, life in Gaza is even more difficult [much more difficult] today, but it’s still a critical piece of work. It’s also the source of this brilliant passage: “Israel’s misreading of Palestinian intentions is rooted in its own illusions, in Israeli society’s skewed grasp of reality whereby it fails to recognize its clear superiority in every sphere: military, economic, education, and technological. Inherited and manipulated fear, the perception of oneself as the perennial victim, and primordial Jewish dread of the gentile are projected onto the other people who live in the same country. In this light, all Palestinian behavior is explained in terms of past Jewish experience….”).
  11. How Israelis and Palestinians Negotiate: A Cross-Cultural Analysis of the Oslo Peace Process – Tamara Cofman Wittes, ed. (turns out culture makes a difference in how people hear each other! Imagine!).
  12. The Palestinian People - Baruch Kimmerling and Joel S. Migdal (an absolutely remarkable history of the Palestinians from the mid-19th century through the post-Oslo era).
  13. Palestinian Identity – Rashid Khalidi (anyone wanting to know anything about who the Palestinians actually are as a political entity — as opposed to what we imagine them to be — should start here).
  14. A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East, from the Cold War to the War on Terror – Patrick Tyler (this takes a broader view than just Israel/Palestine, but that’s a good thing. An excellent presentation of all the frailities, foibles and hubris that have helped create the mess we are in today).

Khaled Mashal’s Response Speech

July 2nd, 2009

INSS Insight No. 117, July 1, 2009

Adopting the current fashion inaugurated by President Obama with his June 4 Cairo address, Hamas political bureau chief Khaled Mashal joined the list of political leaders delivering major policy speeches in the Middle East. On June 25, Mashal delivered a response to the speeches of Obama and Prime Minister Netanyahu. His address presents Hamas' comprehensive, updated political approach, thus also deciding the internal debate within Hamas between the so-called moderates and the so-called radicals - in favor of the moderates.

On the face of it, the political principles presented by Mashal are not highly different from the formal PLO stances presented in negotiations with Israel since the start of the Oslo process. According to these principles, Hamas is prepared to accept a political solution that mandates a Palestinian state in the 1967 borders with Jerusalem as its capital and with the right of return for Palestinian refugees.

At the same time, there are some major differences between the PLO's stances that have developed over the course of the negotiations and this approach. First, the PLO agrees that a political solution would represent the end of the conflict, whereas Hamas does not. Based on statements by Hamas representatives on other occasions, Hamas is apparently leaving the end of the conflict to coming generations. Second, during negotiations the Palestinians demonstrated some flexibility regarding the way certain principles would be implemented. Thus, for example, the Palestinians were prepared to accept a situation in which the border between Israel and the Palestinian state would be drawn on the basis of the 1967 lines with some limited and mutually accepted emendations. The significance is that settlement blocs near the 1967 borders would be annexed to Israel, and in return the Palestinians would receive the identical amount of Israeli territory as part of a land swap. The argument was primarily over the size of the settlement blocs, with the Palestinians urging that they be as small as possible. With regard to the refugee question, despite the fact that the negotiators never formally ceded the right of return, they were prepared to examine practical solutions that assumed that the vast majority of Palestinians would not return to Israel. This apparently is what lies behind the expression "an agreed upon solution to the refuge problem" in the Arab peace initiative. For his part, Mashal refused to accept any bending of this Palestinian condition. He also expressed opposition to a demilitarized Palestinian state, presented by Netanyahu as one of Israel's main demands; the PLO negotiators were prepared to accept limitation on the arming of the future Palestinian state. On another point emphasized by Netanyahu, Mashal embraced the general Palestinian opposition to recognition of Israel as a Jewish state, and characterized the demand as racist. Furthermore, Mashal did not concede the violent struggle as a legitimate means of attaining the objectives of the Palestinian people.

In recent years, since Hamas became an active player in the internal Palestinian political arena, these guidelines have been uttered many times by different Hamas leaders presenting the idea of a hudna, a long term ceasefire, but they were understood as belonging to Hamas' moderate wing, which is engaged in a dispute with the more radical one. It was also always commonly assumed that the more moderate stance was for external consumption only, and that therefore it emerged in meetings with foreigners and in interviews with Western media. Yet now, for the first time, Mashal presented this position as Hamas' official stance, and did so in Arabic for the Arab public. It is hard to imagine that he did this without authorization from the Shura, Hamas' highest authority. Mashal's speech also reveals that the supposed split between Damascus-based radicals and Gaza Strip-based moderates is a false distinction. There are apparently moderates and radicals in both places, and Mashal himself is not necessarily aligned with the radicals. More important, Hamas has an orderly process of decision making, even if it is slow and based on consensus building. The consensus that has formed in Hamas in recent years centers on the positions presented by Mashal in his speech.

Most significantly, Hamas is willing to accept a process of negotiations with Israel, as it was when it endorsed the Palestinian prisoners' document (officially the National Reconciliation Document) and the understandings that prompted the establishment of a national unity government in early 2007. Of course, it is difficult to renew negotiations for a permanent settlement while ignoring all that has happened since they started. On the other hand, Hamas' positions allow a certain amount of flexibility to discuss partial agreements that would not obligate Hamas to accept the end of the conflict, and would also allow Israel side to postpone decisions about sensitive issues.

Mashal's speech was intended to help Hamas in its internal rivalry with the Palestinian Authority, headed by Mahmoud Abbas and Salam Fayyad, and also to take advantage of Obama's speech to gain international legitimacy for Hamas and launch a dialogue with the United States and other Western nations. In the internal arena, the speech presents Hamas to the Palestinian people as an entity willing to engage in the political process but loyal to the national stances of the PLO, while Abbas and his associates have betrayed them. The speech, which included the usual attacks on the PA and its denunciation as an Israeli collaborator, also attacked the PA's joint work with General Dayton's security team. Apparently the success in building the Palestinian security forces on the West Bank, assisted by Dayton's delegation, is of great concern to Hamas. With regard to Western nations, the purpose of the speech was to convince the West that Hamas is a partner for dialogue. The speech will make it easier for elements in Western Europe and within Obama's administration that support dialogue with Hamas to advance their position.

At the same time, under Egypt's aegis and with its mediation, there are negotiations underway between Hamas and the PA over an arrangement for reconstruction of the Gaza Strip. The three parties involved have for now abandoned the notion of a comprehensive "national reconciliation" between Hamas and the PLO/Fatah, and are discussing the possibility of establishing a joint committee to administer the Gaza Strip and allow regional and internal institutions to deliver the promised assistance for rebuilding the area. Such an arrangement would also allow agreement with Israel over opening the crossings to the Gaza Strip, and would possibly also help in attaining an agreement on the release of prisoners that would return Gilad Shalit. The target date set by Egypt for reaching an agreement is July 7, but at this point the sides are far from success. If the two sides do arrive at an agreement, it would greatly affect the approach of the international community on dialogue with Hamas, and would weaken the demand that Hamas meet the three preconditions set down by the Quartet: recognizing Israel, abandoning the use of violence, and accepting existing agreements.

This column is re-published with the permission of the Institute for National Security Studies.

How many people remember the Operation I…

July 2nd, 2009

How many people remember the Operation Iraqi Freedom documents, when Pete Hoekstra put out a call for freelance internet arabic translators? It turns out Hoekstra already knew there was nothing in there.
Look at the dates.

a

How many people remember the Operation I…

Indian Court Overturns Gay Sex Ban….

July 2nd, 2009

Indian Court Overturns Gay Sex Ban:

Still, the decision was condemned from many corners in India. “This is wrong,” said Maulana Abdul Khaliq Madrasi, a vice chancellor of Dar ul-Uloom, the main university for Islamic education in India. The decision to bring Western culture to India, he said, will “corrupt Indian boys and girls.”

The High Court’s decision should be overturned, said Murli Manohar Joshi, the leader of the main opposition Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party. “The High Court cannot decide all things,” he said.

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Indian Court Overturns Gay Sex Ban….

Netanyahu Weighing Possibility of Broadening Government

July 2nd, 2009

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has angered some of his right-wing coalition parties by his work towards a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This loss of support from the right, combined with US pressure, may cause Netanyahu to broaden his coalition to include Kadima, as well as open more discussion on the settlement issue.

James Besser in The Jewish Week questioned different Middle East experts and scholars to discuss the changes that may occur in government due to Netanyahu's political shift towards the left:

With his back to the wall in his dealings with Washington, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is reportedly weighing the possibility of broadening his government to give him more flexibility in anticipation of meeting American demands.

The reports are based in part on right-wing elements in Netanyahu's coalition government that are upset with the prime minister's decision to work towards a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, according to Yossi Alpher, an Israeli analyst and co-editor of the Israeli-Palestinian Web site bitterlemons.org.

Possible Coalition with Kadima:

"...There are members of the opposition centrist Kadima Party led by Shaul Mofaz, the former defense minister, who are "lobbying Kadima to join the government now that Netanyahu has accepted a two-state solution." [Yossi Alpher]

But Alpher said that because Tzipi Livni, former foreign minister and Kadima Party chair, is not anxious to join the coalition, Mofaz "might take some members with him and move to Likud." Alpher noted that a proposed law in Israel would make it easier for him to do that.

He hastened to add that he does not foresee anyone "leaving the coalition to make room for Kadima, and I don't believe Kadima would reopen discussions about joining the coalition."

Judith Kipper, director of Middle East Programs for the Institute of World Affairs, said a Likud-Kadima coalition "may be what Netanyahu would like to do, but I think Kadima would have a very hard time [joining] such a coalition as long as Lieberman remains part of it."This leak, combined with reports that Netanyahu is considering broadening his right-leaning government, suggests that "Netanyahu is leaving the door open for a shakeup," according to .

He [Gerald Steinberg, a political science professor at Bar-Ilan University] said Netanyahu might opt to broaden his government whether or not the U.S. and Israel reach an agreement on Israeli-Palestinian peace issues. Steinberg said Israel might have to "move to the left" to reach an accord with the U.S., or form a national unity government to withstand American pressure if the two sides failed to agree.

Settlement Issue:

Word of a possible government shakeup came as Defense Minister Ehud Barak arrived in Washington Tuesday for talks aimed at easing U.S. pressure for a total settlement freeze that includes "natural growth," and amid growing speculation about what comes next for an administration that has committed itself to rapid progress in Israeli-Palestinian peace talks.

According to reports, the Netanyahu government is proposing a three-to six-month halt in settlement building, coupled with confidence-building gestures by Arab nations and the Palestinians.

While most analysts here predict continuing U.S. efforts to improve the environment for negotiations by pressing Israel on settlements and the Palestinians on security and an end to incitement, there is a widespread expectation that sweeping new U.S. initiatives are unlikely.

Edward Walker, a former State Department official and ambassador to Israel, said the Netanyahu government will try to work with the administration here on issues like "reducing the number of checkpoints, opening up more cities to the Palestinian security forces and finding some way to agree on settlements. I'm certain the administration does not want to wind up in a shooting match with the Israeli government, especially since Bibi has responded to some of their concerns."

Returning to Negotiations with Fatah:

Stephen Cohen, a national scholar of the Israel Policy Forum who recently met with Palestinian officials, said "this is a very active time" in terms of discussions about how to move the peace process forward.

He pointed out that Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas was not responsive to Ehud Olmert's offer of more than 93 percent of Palestinian territories, in negotiations last year, in part because Fatah "hadn't resolved internal problems" with Hamas.

Cohen said Abbas has dealt with the problem by bypassing Hamas and winning support from the Egyptians and Saudis, suggesting that Abbas may be more flexible in future talks.

Olmert's Peace Proposal and Reactions:

Olmert had proposed placing Jerusalem's Holy Basin - the areas containing the Old City and surrounding holy sites - under Divine sovereignty and having it administered by a consortium of Saudis, Jordanians, Americans, Israelis and Palestinians.

In addition, he proposed offering the Palestinians 93.5 to 93.7 percent of the Palestinian territories, along with a land swap of 5.8 percent and safe passage between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. And the Palestinian refugee issue would be resolved by permitting a small number of Palestinians into Israel as a "humanitarian gesture."

After Olmert revealed his offer last month, Livni said through a spokesman that she disapproved of the offer. And although Abbas said he would like peace talks to resume from where they left off, Cohen said the Palestinians do not expect it to be offered by Netanyahu.

 

 

 

Recommended viewing: Ilan Mizrahi documentary “Israel: Rise of the Right”

July 2nd, 2009

A fascinating documentary by an Israeli photographer and film maker who had direct, personal access to key figures in Israel’s far right-wing community (largely the followers of Rabbi Meir Kahane).   Virtually no commentary - just the extremists in their own words.

part 1, part 2 , part 3, part 4

Israel’s old new hate police: privatization of a dangerous force

July 2nd, 2009
Yesterday they carried out their first action, by rounding up "illegal aliens" in the area of the central bus station in Tel Aviv. They made use of a private bus company, Alant, to transport the arrestees to a private prison. I'm amazed at how easy it is to privatize "services" dealing with very basic rights, such as freedom. Not just amazaed, also scared. Private goons carrying out private justice.
According to the Ministry of the interior there are about 250.000 foreigners without a permit residing in Israel. Some are victims of trafficking, others refugees from Darfour or Eritrea, yet others laborourers from China or the Filipines who ran away from the slave like conditions under which they were made to live and work for much less than the minimum wage (which already is very low).

A few years ago the migration police was established and then abolished in order to be replaced by a private police force operated by the ministry of the interior as of yesterday. The private police force are not bound by the rules that bind the regular police.

Yesterday they carried out their first action and their spokesperson "promised" its continuation. They do not care if a refugee might be in danger. They have also stated they will not respect the unofficial agreements between NGO's school and the migration police which held that no arrests would be made around the school areas, the free clinic and other NGO's assisting the labour migrants, refugees and victims of modern slavery. In fact the new police force stated they would actively search those areas, because that is where those without rights receive their services.

A new witchhunt is on its way targetting Israel's weakest groups with modern and forceful means.

However, one needs to look also at the larger picture. The new police force is private. It is used against the weakest of weak population who cannot risk protesting. But at the same time, society gets used to the idea of an "efficient private police". I expect it will only be a matter if time until this force will be used against others, Israeli citizens as well.
So long democracy.....


Arnon Giladi is at it, once more

July 2nd, 2009
Arnon Giladi, likud representative in the municipal council, sent around a hateful letter full of half truths and pure lies concerning the Siksik mosque.
The guy who in the past stated in an interview with "Ha'Ir" that Jaffa should be "judaized" (imagine someone in the states saying the neighborhood should be "whitened") is actively looking for trouble.

His compaints made Gilad Peled, head of theJaffa governance, the "mishlama leyafo", the mini municipality so to say, run to the mosque accusing the mosque people of all kinds of crimes. After all when Arnon Giladi accuses someone, it should be taken seriously.
However, in the end, after having been shown the mosque peoples' paperwork, Peled had to admit being wrong. Giladi has not yet done so.

One wonders what Arnon Giladi's real interest is.

In the mean time, tomorrow, friday, a large group of praying people is expected to attend the prayers at the Siksik mosque, now under full renovation.

I took a little time to go to the municipal archive and dig up some "goodies". There is lots of paperwork showing without doubt the ownership of the "Siksik Waqf", and one presumes Giladi as well as Peled to be aware of that. A waqf cannot legally sell a mosque according to Israeli law, which actually protects the standing of a mosque as a religious building (theoretically at least).
As the municipal papers show without any doubt, the mosque is owned by the Siksik waqf, therefore Giladi should back off and offer his apologies.

The municipality intend to create a public road next to the mosque for which they have appropriated land next to it. On the land are historical buildings. It would be a pity to break down these buildings. The area is very lovely.
BUT the mosque land has NOT been appropriated. Giladi should shut up, in stead of accusing the Jaffa Muslim community of crimes they have not committed.



Naomi Klein in Jaffa

July 2nd, 2009
This saturday, July the 4th at 11.11 o'clock, Naomi Klein, author of "the Shock Doctrine", which has been published by the "Andalus" publishing house in Arabic and in Hebrew, will speak about her book at the Jaffa Arab Hebrew theater.

Israel Removes Hawara Roadblock

July 2nd, 2009

Amir Buhbut and Maya Bengal in Ma'ariv:

Against the backdrop of attempts to resolve the crisis with the Americans, the relief measures to the Palestinians continue: the IDF decided yesterday to remove the Hawara roadblock south of Nablus-one of the largest roadblocks in Judea and Samaria, through which thousands of Palestinians pass every day. Palestinian movement will be free and unexamined, but IDF soldiers will remain, at this stage, to man the place.

The idea behind leaving an IDF force there is that it be there when there is a warning of a terror attack or after hostile activity, which will make it necessary to enter Nablus.

A security source said yesterday: "Situation assessments were held in the Central Command that examined the activity of the Palestinian security organizations in the Judea and Samaria area and the level of the warnings. Accordingly, it was decided to allow a number of relief measures, barrier removals, and opening the Hawara crossing to vehicles after a long period in which careful checks were carried out there."

Israel Expects Concessions for Settlement Freeze

July 2nd, 2009

Shimon Shiffer in Yedioth Ahronoth:

Netanyahu held a closed meeting on Tuesday with 27 EU ambassadors at
the King David Hotel in Jerusalem. In the course of the meeting the prime minister related to the tension over the West Bank settlements, to the peace process in the Middle East and to the Iranian threat.

Defense Minister Ehud Barak returned yesterday from the talks he held with special envoy to the Middle East George Mitchell.

Israel, Barak said in the meetings, expects things in return from the Palestinians, and this includes a commitment to renew the negotiations
on the permanent status arrangement and to express willingness to recognize Israel as the state of the Jewish people, having the negotiations lead to the "end of the conflict" and to "an end to demands" from the Palestinians of Israel. Another Israeli demand relates to Palestinian willingness that the negotiations lead to the establishment of a demilitarized Palestinian state.

Mitchell spoke to Barak a few minutes before Barak flew back to Israel and told him that President Obama was pleased with their talks.

The prime minister's aides expect that when Mitchell returns to the region in two weeks and meets with Netanyahu, that he will be able to say what Israel will receive in return, as discussed in Barak's talks with Mitchell.

Netanyahu's special envoy, attorney Yitzhak Molcho, reported last night to the prime minister on the talks in the US, in which he also took part.

The recent flurry of conservative howls …

July 2nd, 2009

The recent flurry of conservative howls for Obama to “do something” in the Iran situ have temporarily been muted as the info flood out of Iran has died to a trickle and they get bizzy wilin’ out on Obama over Honduras. But I would like to point out some things that are obvious to me as a muslim in Obama’s pressers on Iran.
1. He never says the d-word. Sadly, democracy has become a dirty word in MENA, thanks to Bush and Ajax in part.
2. He consistantly uses the word justice. In one event he used justice six times. As we all know, justice is the beating heart of al-Islam. salihat (just duty) is part of our lives. The Prophet said a nation can exist without god, but a nation cannot exist without justice.
3. He consistantly referrences MLK. Obama himself is a powerful visual symbol of triumph over injustice, a black president of a once slave-holder nation. The theme of religious non-violent protest is strong in the Shi’ia….it is how they survived the Umayydd caliphate and overthew the tyrant Shah. The religion of the Green Wave is al-Islam and not MLK’s christianity, but the core substance of civil rights and the rule of law is the same.
It is not over in Iran, and we will see more western media coverage as the resistance enters the next stage. And more opportunities for Obama to speak in code to the Green Wave.

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The recent flurry of conservative howls …